French forward Kylian Mbappe is battling illness on the eve of Club World Cup opener for Real Madrid against Al Hilal.
Real Madrid’s Kylian Mbappe is a doubt for the club’s opening Club World Cup match against Saudi Arabia’s Al Hilal after missing training on Tuesday due to illness.
The club said Mbappe had been suffering from a fever, with newly-appointed manager Xabi Alonso, who will make his debut in the dugout in Wednesday’s match, adding that a decision on his participation would be made in the morning.
“Kylian was a bit better this morning, but he was not fully fit, so we thought it would be best for him to skip training. Let’s see how it evolves, and we’ll make a last-minute decision,” Alonso told a news conference on the eve of the clash at the Hard Rock Stadium.
The potential absence of Mbappe leaves Alonso facing a selection dilemma as the French player is currently the only recognised centre-forward in the squad.
Kylian Mbappe, second left, of Real Madrid trained with his teammates on Monday [Hannah Mckay/Reuters]
Brazilian teenager Endrick, who could have provided an alternative, was left out of the travelling party following a leg muscle injury sustained during Real’s La Liga fixture at Sevilla last month.
Mbappe has been instrumental for Real Madrid this season, scoring 31 La Liga goals since his high-profile summer move from Paris St Germain.
Regardless of Mbappe’s potential absence, Alonso insisted his team would need to press “like a unit”.
“Defensive work is important. It’s one of the tasks we need to address in the short term, and in the long term, it will be decisive for our success,” the Spaniard said.
Real Madrid enter the tournament as one of the favourites, having dominated European football over the last decade, winning five of the last 10 Champions League titles.
Al Hilal secured their place in the competition by triumphing in the AFC Champions League in 2021, and will look to capitalise on any weakness in Madrid’s lineup.
Real and Al-Hilal were drawn in Group F with Mexican side Pachuca and RB Salzburg of Austria.
Variable Valve Timing isn’t a new concept in motorcycle engines. The likes of BMW and Yamaha have been using this setup in their motorcycles for a while now. Even Suzuki itself implemented it on the 2017 GSX-R1000 engine, borrowing the system from its GSX-RR MotoGP bike.
So what is VVT exactly? It’s a mechanical cam-phasing system that adjusts the intake camshaft timing depending on engine revolutions. As engine revs increase, centrifugal force alters the valve timing by a few degrees, either advancing or retarding it.
More advanced systems, such as BMW’s ShiftCam or the new KTM 1390 Super Duke setup, go a step further by varying not just timing but valve lift, essentially how wide the valve opens. While this does enhance power output, the primary goals of VVT are improved fuel efficiency and compliance with emissions standards. This is exactly what Suzuki appears to be targeting with its latest patent filing.
The V-Strom 250 and GSX-250R, which both have the same 249cc water-cooled single-cylinder engine, are expected to get the new tech
Suzuki
Interestingly, the new technology Suzuki is working on is closer to Variable Valve Actuation (VVA) than traditional VVT. According to Visordown, the V-Strom 250 and GSX-250R, which are both powered by a 249cc water-cooled single-cylinder engine, are expected to receive this upgrade.
The current engine is claimed to produce 25 horsepower. While the VVA setup might squeeze out a little more power, its real advantage lies in improving fuel economy and helping the bike meet tightening emissions regulations.
The patent details a hydraulic actuator system designed to modify valve lift and duration in a single overhead camshaft (SOHC), four-valve engine. This setup enables more precise combustion management, especially under partial load conditions, leading to lower emissions and better overall efficiency.
Suzuki is joining a wider movement toward integrating VVT/VVA in small- and mid-capacity motorcycles. While initial implementation is expected on the entry-level 250cc models, it’s likely this technology will expand to other models with similar engine architectures.
In a VVT, depending on engine revs, the mechanical cam-phasing system enables the intake camshaft timing to be progressed or regressed by a few degrees
WIPO / Suzuki
This may not be the sort of announcement that sets gearheads’ hearts racing, but it represents a thoughtful, strategic shift that should help Suzuki’s lineup stay compliant with evolving emissions standards, especially in markets with increasingly stringent environmental laws.
Suzuki has not yet announced a production timeline for the new system. However, given the development pace and growing regulatory pressure, we might see VVT-equipped models as early as the 2026 model year.
Amazon CEO Andy Jassy told hundreds of thousands of his employees on Tuesday that generative AI is coming for their jobs and that their best bet is to embrace the technology.
“Those who embrace this change, become conversant in AI, help us build and improve our AI capabilities internally and deliver for customers, will be well-positioned to have high impact and help us reinvent the company,” he wrote in a company-wide email that was also published on Amazon’s corporate blog.
But no matter how geeked Amazon employees get over new AI tools, Jassy also made a point to note that there’s not room on the bus for everybody: “We expect that this will reduce our total corporate workforce as we get efficiency gains from using AI extensively across the company.”
As I read this note – and I recommend reading the whole thing – some questions quickly came to mind. Are some parts of Amazon’s vast organization highly resistant to the new technology and perhaps in need of a public nudge (or, kick in the butt), in Jassy’s view? Seems likely. Is the public memo a wink-wink to Wall Street that the company’s heavy AI investments will eventually pay off by delivering significant cost reductions? I suppose.
Is the note meant to provide some glossy AI cover for imminent or future mass layoffs that may have nothing, or just something, to do with AI actually eating some corporate tasks? I guess that’s possible too, though I find it less likely.
And are the parts of the essay where Jassy methodically outlines the various ways Amazon already uses Gen AI (a ritutal he has performed publicly on more than one occasion this year), designed to thrust Amazon into AI-dominated news cycles that often feature many other companies not named Amazon? Perhaps.
No matter the exact goal or impetus, and Amazon isn’t saying what exactly the impetus for this public memo was, Jassy seems like the right leader for the current job – especially on the cost-cutting or, as he referred to it in his annual shareholder letter in April, the “cost avoidance and productivity” bucket of Gen AI impact.
I don’t mean to discount Jassy’s ability to lead on the innovation front. He transformed and led Amazon Web Services after all, from its infancy, into the behemoth cloud provider it is today.
But ever since taking over as CEO from Jeff Bezos in 2021, Jassy has also become the company’s chief cost-cutter and has appeared comfortable in the role.
He has overseen the largest corporate layoffs in company history in recent years (joining other Big Tech companies like Meta, Alphabet, and Salesforce which all slashed headcounts after over-hiring in the pandemic).
His logistic teams have rejiggered the U.S. warehouse network and inventory systems to reduce the cost of getting each product to a customer.
And he’s also pushed teams to accelerate the automation of some warehouse tasks, which over time could allow the company to do more with less—or at least more with the same.
Some of these moves were necessitated by Bezos handing over to Jassy a bloated and sometimes wasteful company when the CEO transition happened nearly four years ago. But it also appears to this close observer of the company that Jassy is quite comfortable in the role; though whether he enjoys it or simply accepts it I don’t know.
So, whether Amazon’s AI jobs shakeout turns out to be a painful retrenching, a gradual recalibration, or something else entirely, recent history seems to suggest the company, if nothing else, has the right man for the job.
While Moscow has talked up its partnership with Iran, the deal does not require Russia to come to Iran’s military aid
When Israel launched Operation Rising Lion, officials in Russia described the current escalation in the Middle East as “alarming” and “dangerous.”
Still, Russian media were quick to stress the potential positives for Moscow.
Among them:
A rise in global oil prices which is forecast to boost Russia’s coffers
The distraction of global attention away from Russia’s war on Ukraine. “Kyiv has been forgotten” was a headline in Moskovsky Komsomolets
And if the Kremlin’s offer to mediate in the conflict was accepted, Russia could portray itself as a key player in the Middle East and as a peacemaker, despite its actions in Ukraine
However, the longer Israel’s military operation goes on, the greater the realisation that Russia has much to lose from current events.
“The escalation of the conflict carries serious risks and potential costs for Moscow,” wrote Russian political scientist Andrei Kortunov in business daily Kommersant on Monday.
“The fact remains that Russia was unable to prevent a mass strike by Israel on a country with which five months ago [Russia] signed a comprehensive strategic partnership.
“Clearly Moscow is not prepared to go beyond political statements condemning Israel, it’s not ready to provide Iran with military assistance.”
The Russian-Iranian strategic partnership deal which Vladimir Putin and President Masoud Pezeshkian signed earlier this year is not a military alliance.
It does not oblige Moscow to come to Tehran’s defence.
At the time, though, Moscow talked it up.
In an interview with the Ria Novosti news agency, Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov noted that the agreement paid “special attention to the strengthening of co-ordination in the interests of peace and security on the regional and global levels, and the desire of Moscow and Tehran for closer co-operation on security and defence”.
Reuters
Russia has relied heavily on Iran’s Shahed drones in its war in Ukraine, but now manufactures them locally
In the last six months Moscow has already lost one key ally in the Middle East, Bashar al-Assad.
After the Syrian leader was deposed last December he was offered asylum in Russia. The prospect of regime change in Iran, the thought of losing another strategic partner in the region, will be of major concern to Moscow.
Commenting on developments in the Middle East on Tuesday, Moskovsky Komsomolets concluded: “In global politics right now, massive changes are taking place in real time which will affect life in our country, either directly or indirectly.”
Vladimir Putin will be spending much of this week in St Petersburg where the city is hosting its annual International Economic Forum.
The event was once dubbed “Russia’s Davos”, but the label doesn’t really apply now.
In recent years the chief executives of big Western companies have stayed away – especially since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
Nonetheless, the organisers claim that this year representatives from more than 140 countries and territories will attend.
Russian authorities will almost certainly use the event to try to demonstrate that attempts to isolate Russia over the war in Ukraine have failed.
An economic forum it may be, but geopolitics is never far away.
We’ll be watching closely for any comments the Kremlin leader makes about the Middle East and about Ukraine.
UMG was required to formally notify the EU about the deal, which would kickstart a Phase 1 investigation, at the end of which we’ll find out if the deal has been approved or raises serious competition concerns.
We won’t have long to wait.
An update filed by the regulator on Monday (June 16) confirms that UMG has notified the EC about the deal. The EC has set a provisional deadline of July 22 to make its decision in the Phase 1 investigation.
The UMG-Downtown deal did not meet the EU’s standard turnover thresholds that would typically require notification to Brussels, bit it did trigger notification requirements in both the Netherlands and Austria based on their respective national thresholds.
The EC decided to look into the deal because the Netherlands triggered a legal mechanism in EU competition law called Article 22. Austria subsequently joined the referral.
The competition authority has 25 working days to conduct its Phase 1 investigation, examining whether the alleged “concentration” raises serious competition concerns.
The formal Phase 1 notification period represents a crucial milestone in the regulatory process.
If the Commission identifies serious competition concerns during its initial review of the proposed deal, the case could progress to a more extensive Phase II investigation lasting up to 90 working days.
According to European Commission statistics, “more than 90% of all cases are resolved in Phase I, generally without remedies,” which implies that less than 10% of cases proceed to Phase II.
At the conclusion, the Commission can either clear the merger (with or without conditions), or prohibit it entirely if competition concerns cannot be adequately addressed.
The acquisition would significantly expand UMG’s artist and label services capabilities through Virgin Music Group, adding Downtown’s portfolio of companies including FUGA, CD Baby, and Curve Royalty Systems to Universal’s global operations.
“We are confident that we will close this acquisition in the second half of the year, on its original timeline.”
UMG statement issued in April
Independent label representatives have criticized UMG’s proposed deal to buy the company. In April, Brussels-based IMPALA, which represents over 6,000 independent music companies in Europe, welcomed the European Commission’s decision to investigate the proposed deal.
UMG remains confident about the deal’s prospects, stating in April: “We look forward to continuing to co-operate with the European Commission in the weeks ahead. We are confident that we will close this acquisition in the second half of the year, on its original timeline.”Music Business Worldwide
The Gaza Health Ministry said at least 50 people were killed, blaming Israeli forces. The Israeli military said it was aware of reports of people injured in I.D.F. fire near an aid truck close to where its forces were operating.
He had just signed an order implementing last month’s trade deal with the UK, and Sir Keir Starmer, the British prime minister, was standing by his side in the bright sunshine of the Canadian Rockies. But the mind of the 79-year-old US president was squarely on the Middle East.
“As soon as I leave, we’re going to be doing something,” Trump said on Monday afternoon, when asked about the war between Israel and Iran. “But I need to leave here.”
A few hours later, Trump abruptly departed the G7 summit, shrinking it to a G6 in a theatrical exit that could mark a turning point in the conflict between Israel and Iran.
By Tuesday morning, Trump was back at the White House, leaving the world to divine whether he would launch new talks with Iran over its nuclear programme or join Israel in its strikes on the Islamic Republic.
The president had arrived in Kananaskis, Alberta, late on Sunday for what was expected to be two days of meetings with America’s closest allies — as well as other world leaders including Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum.
Hosted by Mark Carney, Canada’s prime minister, the summit got off to an awkward start as Trump fumed about the exclusion of Russia from the grouping. He later made clear the US would not join European countries in imposing new sanctions on Moscow in order to press Vladimir Putin to negotiate seriously for a peace deal with Ukraine.
But the friction over the conflict in Europe was upstaged by more pressing discussions over the war in the Middle East.
Carney corralled the G7 into issuing a joint statement calling for “the resolution of the Iranian crisis” but later in the afternoon, Trump blasted out hawkish social media posts that pointed to further escalation with the Islamic republic.
In one, he warned Iranians they should “immediately” evacuate Tehran, the country’s capital, a city of nearly 10mn people.
Trump later said he left the G7 early simply to be “more well-versed” in the Iranian crisis and because his conversations would be more secure. “Being on the scene is much better, and we did everything I had to do at the G7,” he said.
There was nonetheless disquiet at his decision. Officials at the summit said the US president had been cordial during discussions, and had participated in a dinner with the G7 leaders after announcing his departure.
The only exception came when Trump publicly condemned Emmanuel Macron, president of France, for saying he was heading back to Washington for push for a “ceasefire” in the Middle East.
Trump said: “He has no idea why I am now on my way to Washington, but it certainly has nothing to do with a ceasefire. Much bigger than that. Whether purposely or not, Emmanuel always gets it wrong.”
Three officials attending the G7 told the Financial Times that Macron’s decision to make a symbolic stopover in Greenland, on his way to the summit had irritated Trump and contributed to his decision to leave early.
During his visit to the semi-autonomous Danish island, which the US president has said he wants to bring under Washington’s control, Macron said of Trump’s threats: “I don’t think that’s what allies do.”
The White House did not respond to a request for comment on Trump’s tensions with Macron.
But one UK official said the president had simply tired of the G7, adding: “He wanted to get on with doing something productive — what was there further to achieve in Calgary?”
But the early departure has raised concerns Trump could do the same thing at the Nato summit in The Hague next week, where many are watching for signals his administration could reduce its commitment to the alliance.
“Just imagine the effect in Moscow should Trump walk out of the Nato summit,” said Stefano Stefanini, Italy’s former ambassador to Nato.
In the wake of the surprise announcement that Trump would be heading back to Washington to manage the conflict in the Middle East, top administration officials, including Pete Hegseth, the defence secretary, issued reassuring statements that America remained in a “defensive” posture in the region.
Marco Rubio, the secretary of state and national security adviser, who was part of the US G7 delegation, held calls with allies including Kaja Kallas, the EU’s top foreign policy official, Jean-Noël Barrot, the French foreign minister, and David Lammy, the UK foreign secretary.
Rubio is an Iran hawk and, alongside Hegseth, will advise Trump on his next move in the conflict.
Among the options facing Trump are a last-gasp attempt at diplomacy: the president said he was still considering whether to dispatch JD Vance, the vice-president, and Steve Witkoff, his Middle East envoy, to meet senior Iranian officials.
On the overnight flight back to Washington from Canada, Trump would not be drawn on what America’s next step would be, but said he was in “not much in the mood” for negotiations and was looking for Iran to back down permanently.
What he wanted from Tehran, he said on Air Force One, is “a complete give-up”. He also warned Iran not to attack American troops or facilities in the region.
“We’ll come down so hard, it’d be gloves off”, Trump said.
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