When Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the two sides’ tank divisions looked much as they did during the Cold War.

Now, Russia’s and Ukraine’s Soviet-era tanks rumble across the battlefield covered in anti-drone nets and spikes, dangling chains and unwieldy cages.

The exterior transformations of these hulking vehicles are a testament to how quickly drones have changed the war in Ukraine in just over three years. Lethal drones have pushed traditional missiles and artillery to the sidelines.

The armor changes began early in the war after Ukrainian forces used U.S.-supplied anti-tank missiles to strike Russian tanks directly from above, piercing weaker points in vehicles’ armor.

To counter the explosive projectiles, Russian tank crews began mounting homemade cages above their turrets to cushion the tanks from blasts. Other Russian units already had cages on their tanks, anticipating strikes from above.

Since then, the battlefield has completely changed. It is now driven by small, cheap first-person-view (F.P.V.) drones that can be used like homing missiles.

In response, both Ukrainian and Russian tanks have undergone transformations to address their vulnerabilities. Here’s how it happened:

Since tanks were first widely introduced to cross the shell raked battlefield in World War I, their hulls and armor have stayed largely the same: Most protection was mounted on the front of the vehicle, where the crews believed the threat would materialize.

With the small, guided drones on the battlefield in Ukraine, the threat can come from any direction with a level of accuracy capable of hitting weak spots in the armor.

Configurations are rarely uniform, and it is difficult to pinpoint when these armor changes became widespread. But the outgrowth of these new types of protection has aligned with the proliferation of different types of drones, especially in 2023, when the F.P.V. drones became widespread on the battlefield.

Now, tanks are used in battle far less than in 2022. To maintain tanks’ relevance, Russian and Ukrainian soldiers have covered them in different configurations of armor as ad hoc solutions to rapidly shifting tactics.

Some of the first tank modifications came early in the war, when the main threats to military vehicles were Ukraine’s anti-tank missiles, supplied by the United States, and drones that dropped grenades.

Videos from early in the war show Russian troops modifying the T-72, one of Russia’s most widely used tanks in the Donbas in eastern Ukraine. This is what they added:

The Ukrainians also upgraded their tank armor as Russian drone numbers surged to match Ukraine’s homegrown fleet of lethal drones.

Much of the development, whether in bomb-dropping drones or F.P.V.s, came from Ukraine as Kyiv met Moscow’s much larger military by improvising with cheaper but equally deadly weapons.

The United States sent M1 Abrams battle tanks, long seen as the top of their class, to Ukraine in the fall of 2023. But the tanks were thrust into battle lacking the appropriate armor to defend against drones.

Once the Ukrainian troops realized that the American tank was susceptible to the same threats as their older Soviet models, they began to adapt the Abrams for the modern battlefield.

These are some of the modifications the Ukrainians have used:

The added protection can come with a cost: Cages, coverings and more armor mean it can be even harder for crews to see from their small hatches and windows.

So Ukrainian and Russian mechanics keep tinkering with their contraptions to keep the tanks in the fight.

As it stands, Ukraine’s 750-mile front line looks much different from three years ago. Fiber-optic cables line abandoned fields, and drones hunt individual soldiers at all hours of the day.

It is extremely dangerous to move large vehicles, especially tanks. A drone that cost several hundred dollars can quickly take out a multimillion-dollar tank.

At greater threat than three years ago, tanks are used far less in battle now, facing a combination of the proliferation of drones and legacy threats, such as landmines. But they remain important, especially for trying to take and hold territory. With their heavy firepower, they will continue to have a role in attacking, defending and supporting the foot soldiers of the infantry.

Nepal has lifted its social media ban one day after protests turned deadly, with at least 19 people killed by security forces as demonstrators rallied against internet restrictions and government corruption.

Police fatally shot 17 people in Kathmandu, according to spokesman Shekhar Khanal, with two additional deaths reported in eastern Nepal’s Sunsari district. Officers deployed rubber bullets, tear gas, water cannons and batons when protesters broke through barbed wire barriers attempting to reach Parliament.

Approximately 400 people sustained injuries, including more than 100 police officers. Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak resigned following the violence.

“I had been there for a peaceful protest, but the government used force,” said 20-year-old Iman Magar, who was struck in his right arm. “It was not a rubber bullet but a metallic one, and it took away a part of my hand. The doctor says I need to undergo an operation.”

Emergency vehicles rushed the wounded to hospitals throughout the city. “I have never seen such a disturbing situation at the hospital,” said Ranjana Nepal, information officer at the Civil Service Hospital. “Tear gas entered the hospital area as well, making it difficult for doctors to work.”

The social media ban triggered widespread anger, particularly among younger Nepalis who depend on these platforms for communication. Amnesty International reported that authorities used live ammunition against protesters, while the United Nations called for a transparent investigation.

Millions of Nepalis use platforms like Instagram for entertainment, news, and business purposes. “This isn’t just about social media – it’s about trust, corruption, and a generation that refuses to stay silent,” wrote the Kathmandu Post newspaper. “Gen Z grew up with smartphones, global trends, and promises of a federal, prosperous Nepal. For them, digital freedom is personal freedom. Cutting off access feels like silencing an entire generation.”

Nepal has previously restricted online platforms, blocking Telegram in July over fraud concerns and implementing a nine-month TikTok ban that ended last August when the company agreed to comply with local regulations.

EPA

Political turmoil in Thailand

One month into President Trump’s federal takeover of Washington, D.C., some of the city’s most visible workers have gone into hiding. Hector is one more than a dozen people we spoke to who work for apps like Uber Eats, DoorDash and Grubhub. He and others say they have drastically cut back their hours or stopped working entirely. They also told us that federal agents in D.C. are detaining immigrants both with and without work permits. Drivers also told us they’re afraid of being targeted, so we agreed not to show their faces and are using only first names. During the first three weeks of President Trump’s federal takeover in D.C., immigration agents detained more than 400 people. Although it’s not known how many delivery workers were arrested, fear has spread. Videos of masked agents pulling drivers from mopeds have flooded immigrant group chats, alongside ads for bikes being sold by workers who are quitting altogether. D.C. police and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement did not respond to our questions about whether certain groups in the city are being targeted. But in a press release, immigration officials said the arrests are part of an effort to tackle violent crime and make the city safe. On Aug. 21, this driver, Javier, was arrested while picking up a coffee order in D.C.’s Navy Yard neighborhood. Soon after he was detained, we spoke to Javier’s family — his brother-in-law, Leo, and his wife, Maria — at the apartment they share. Maria told us her husband had applied for asylum in the U.S. and had a work permit, as well as a Social Security card. She arrived just in time to see federal agents loading her husband into an unmarked vehicle. His moped was left to the side. Hours later, Maria tried to track down Javier through a legal aid hotline that has received more than 2,500 calls since the takeover began. But the operator wasn’t able to locate Javier. Maria also worked as a food delivery driver, but stopped after her husband’s arrest. Her brother-in-law, Leo, didn’t work for two days, but says he was forced to go back in order to help the family pay bills. Leo has also applied for asylum, but does not have a work permit. As Leo delivers an order, he notices a police cruiser parked near the entrance. On a typical day, Leo would make around $200. Today, he calls it quits after just two orders.